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عنوان فارسی مقاله:
انتشار اینترنت و نوع سازمان: الگوهای موقتی در پذیرش تکنولوژی
عنوان انگلیسی مقاله:
Internet diffusion and regime type: Temporal patterns in technology adoption
سال انتشار : 2017
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بخشی از مقاله انگلیسی:
2. Literature review
The adoption of Information and communication technologies (ICT) is a complex process at the intersections of governments, citizens and economic actors. The overarching political system determines the fundamental shape of these interexchanges and of economic activities in general. In the case of telecommunications policy, Internet service providers are dependent upon reliable regulation, state funding as well as the provision of public goods like public safety and the preservation of property rights in order to pursue their business models (Evans, 1995; Goldsmith & Wu, 2006; Milner, 2006). Internet diffusion is high when governments and economic stakeholders provide sufficient infrastructure and citizens are capable and willing to use these services. There are multiple reasons why governments chose to encourage Internet use. Widespread use of digital technologies stimulates the economic performance of a country directly through applications like online banking and online commerce, but also indirectly by reducing transactions costs of myriad economic and communication processes. The emerging Internet economy itself stimulates new innovations and creates positive feedback loops. Thanks to economies of scale, the value of digital investments rises with an increasing number of users.3 Independent of regime type, national development in the 21st century is not feasible without embracing digital technologies. The determinants of Internet diffusion have been the subject of country-comparative studies in a variety of disciplines.4 In terms of regime types, most studies applied a technology-centered approach, i.e. inherent properties of the Internet were related to the characteristics of different regime types. According to this perspective, the pluralism of democratic societies and economies is beneficial to the adoption of the web, while many facets of the decentralized medium run contrary to authoritarian strategies of information control and censorship (Corrales & Westhoff, 2006; Diamond, 2010; Guillén & Suárez, 2005; Norris, 2001). In an empirical test of this argument, Corrales and Westhoff (2006) found in panel regressions that democracies had a significantly higher Internet diffusion than autocracies. In contrast, the broadcasting medium television was used at equal rates in both regimes, which the authors credit to its value for authoritarian propaganda. Milner concurs in empirical analyses and relates the higher Internet use in democracies to the preferences of authoritarian elites: “Groups that believe they will lose from the Internet use political institutions to enact policies that block the spread of the Internet” (Milner, 2006, p. 176). Several other studies also identified a democracy advantage in ICT use (Beilock & Dimitrova, 2003, Crenshaw & Robison, 2006; Fuchs, 2008; Guillén & Suárez, 2005; Gulati & Yates, 2012).5 Taken together, the democracy advantage is robust across a variety of research designs including crosssectional and panel regressions as well as diverging observation periods. Yet to the best knowledge of the author, no comparative study of Internet diffusion in different political regimes has incorporated data from the late 2000s and early 2010s. It is possible that this research topic is perceived as settled after the consolidation of previous results in the literature.6 While none of these works claims that the democracy advantage should last forever, discussions of the potential benefits of digital technologies for authoritarian rulers are rare. Notably, Corrales and Westhoff (2006) demonstrate that market-oriented, richer autocracies have a higher Internet diffusion. An inter-autocratic comparison recently showed that regimes with a stricter information control in the offline world have the highest Internet use while the level of democratization does not reach statistical significance (Rød & Weidmann, 2015). Furthermore, a growing number of conceptual works and case studies recognizes that autocracies incorporate ICT in the very functioning of their regimes (e.g. Kalathil & Boas, 2003; Morozov, 2011). In light of this reorientation, the previously discussed empirical literature on telecomunications policy seems outdated. Theoretical and empirical models of Internet diffusion should be open to temporal changes in causal mechanisms. The present study argues that differences between political regimes can be explained to a large extent by temporal patterns of technological innovation and technology modification.
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کلمات کلیدی:
nternet Diffusion and the Digital Divide: The Role of Policymaking and ... 195.130.87.21:8080/.../Internet%20diffusion%20and%20the%20digital%20divide%20t... of unequal global diffusion of digital technologies is lack of economic ... In their book, “Open Networks, Closed Regimes: The Impact of the Internet on. Open Networks, Closed Regimes: The Impact of the Internet on ... https://books.google.com/books?isbn=087003331X Shanthi Kalathil, Taylor C. Boas - 2010 - Computers Still, Cuba is also distinctive among authoritarian regimes in the specific approach it ... Despite its atypical approach to Internet diffusion, Cuba resembles other ... [PDF]INTERNET DIFFUSION faculty.bus.olemiss.edu/dhawley/mba622/Articles/Internet%20Diffusion.pdf by N Dholakia - 2003 - Cited by 26 - Related articles ... some of the key differences in Internet diffusion pattern around the world would be highlighted. ..... with authoritarian regimes such China, Cuba, and Syria. China and India Online: Information Technology Politics and ... https://books.google.com/books?isbn=0742519465 Marcus F. Franda - 2002 - Computers Diffusion of the Internet has not depended solely on the nature of ... out some of the conceptual bases for thinking about the regime aspects of the global Internet, ...
